Table of Contents
Guazzelli G., Gli Acta brevia sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis: una proposta di rilettura, XXX, 1-38.
Of the sources concerning Perpetua, Felicitas and the other Christians martyred in Carthage on 7 March 203, the Passio sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis is the most famous and the most studied. Much less attention has been paid to the genesis of the Acta brevia and their transmission. Despite recent studies, the Acta have still not been dated securely. G.A. Guazzelli deals with this problem by re-reading the evidence of the devotion to those martyrs. He is able to confirm that, from the beginning of the third century until the second half of the fifth century, the Passio was the only text on their martyrdom which was read. Being recited especially during mass on the feast day of Perpetua and Felicitas, the Passio, however, needed explanations of both its doctrinal and narrative aspects. In the first half of the fifth century, several observations on the contents of the Passio were therefore made by St. Augustine of Hippo. His example of how to interpret the Passio was later followed by other African Christian authors. The augustinian positions had some echoes in the Acta brevia, a text possibly inspired, at least in some respects, by Augustine’s writings. Guazzelli suggests that the Acta were perhaps not written in Africa: appearing in manuscripts since the late eighth century together with passiones and vitae of other saints and martyrs, the Acta seem more likely to be a text written for the western medieval liturgy.
Bertuzzi R., Il prologo del Vangelo di Giovanni nei rituali e nei testi catari, XXX, 39-72.
Starting from baptism-rituals and going through Cathar and polemic sources, this paper analyses the role and significance that the Prologue of John, and the whole of John’s Gospel as well as the evangelist himself, played in the dualistic heresy. The dichotomy between sons of the flesh and sons of the spirit, especially present in the first eighteen verses of that Gospel, allowed the Cathar theologians to maintain, with the aid of the Scriptures, the existence of both a god, Satan, creator of the material world, and another God, creator of the spiritual world, and similarly even the existence of two kinds of men, one born from devil and destined to ageless death, and the other born from God, destined to salvation. The particular use that the Cathars made of some theological doctrines and ancient sources permits to identify a thread that rightfully places Catharism – not only from a typological but also historical and literary point of view – in the sphere of gnostic dualism, a dualism which in fact had penetrated various Eastern Christian groups before it was brought to Western Europe through Bogomils and crusaders coming back from the Holy Land.
Cadili A., I frati Minori e i Visconti nella Milano trecentesca, XXX, 73-98.
The Minor friars, which since their origins were living in the turbulent events of the 13th century municipal regimes working for political reconciliation, also using the direct exercise of the power (in Milan with Leone from Perego), in 14th century approach to the emerging dominions offering cooperation and spaces for liturgical ceremonies and legitimization, obtaining in exchange protection and material support, guarantee of institutional continuity. In Milan a part of the Minor friars supports the Visconti (Galeazzo and Azzone) also during their fight against the Papacy in the third decade of the century, in analogy with the friars that in Como support the ghibelline Rusconi and in connection with the break between the direction of the Order and John XXII about the poverty, with a propagandistic activity against the Pope. After the reconciliation there could be found some personal bonds of some Minors with members of dominions (Azzone, Galeazzo and women of dynasties) that built sepulchral chapels in Franciscan Churches. However the relation is not exclusive: the Minors create relations also with cliques averse to Visconti, and these latter have relation also with other Orders. However the relation never ends and in the second half of the century Giangaleazzo will use the cooperation, also in the diplomatic field, of learned Minors that for this reason will be promoted to episcopacy.
Ganzer K., Gasparo Contarini und Giovanni Morone, XXX, 99-134.
Giovanni Morone (1509-1580), having become bishop of Modena at the age of twenty, started an early diplomatic career at the service of the Holy See. He was many times a nuncio in the Holy Roman Empire. On the occasion of the Imperial colloquium on religion at Regensburg of 1541 he was nuncio of the Emperor Ferdinand together with the papal legate Gasparo Contarini. He therefore had access to the complexity of the religious question and to its ecclesiastical and religious aspects. Such reconsidering and new vision of Morone occured during the Imperial diet and were mainly due to the influence of Gasparo Contarini, an eminent supporter of the religious renovation of 16th century Italy. The result was a deep friendship between them which lasted only a few months due to the death of Contarini (1542).
Fattori M.T., Il papato in età moderna, XXX, 135-152.
The time which goes from the papacy at Avignon until the 18th century has been object, since the study of Paolo Prodi on the Sovereign Pontiff, of an increasing number of monographs which focused on individual pontificates, specific events, the reuse of offices and government instruments and their evolution in the long term. Without offering the same systematic presentation of the most recent studies, the indication of some miscellaneous collections published in 2007 allow one trace the central moments and aspects present in historical research related to the papacy of the modern age. From this picture emerges the importance of the principate as an integral part of the papal system, initiator of some changes in the workings of the government, instrument for the creation of a consensus, origin of the political decisions of the Pope, counterbalance to the economic difficulties. Finally, the interdisciplinary and multifaceted approaches aim to keep together the prosopography of the curia and the history of the congregations and curial organisms, with the history of art, history of political thought and diplomatic history.
Jaff. D., Le Jésus de Joseph Klausner, XXX, 153-168.
Joseph Klausner is the first Jewish historian who has ever written a critical biography of Jesus in Hebrew. His Jesus of Nazareth had a large echo in his age between Jews and, to a lesser extent, Christian community. The purpose of this article is to make a critical presentation of K’s Jesus and to present the historical background of the work. The aim is to clarify a change in the paradigm through which a Jew historian, besides active member of the Zionist movement and profoundly nationalist, looks at Jesus in a dithyrambic manner. For this reasons this work marks a turning point from which the Jew historians that study Jesus have to take position until now days.
Vian G., Pius X grande riformatore?, XXX, 169-192.
The volume L’eredità giuridica di san Pius X is dedicated to the historiographic and canonistic deepening of the work of Sarto, above all in reference to the work of coding of the canonical right, an aspect of great importance in its papacy one and for the recent history of the Catholic Church. The note shortly examines the content of the tests of the volume and discusses the interpretative proposition maked by editor and some authors about Pius X as great reformer. The note instead points out that its activity of reorganization and its “reforms” were in order to a comprehensive design on strengthening the institutions of the Church and restoring the society in a Christian way.
La Bella G., Santa Sede e Cina nel Pontificato di Pius XII, XXX, 193-206.
The article reconstructs Pius XII’s policy and the Holy See’s diplomatic activity aimed at reaching a concordat with the Government of the People’s Republic of China. The research is based on newly accessible archival material from the Archivio Segreto Vaticano.
Lizzi Testa R., Introduzione. Le relazioni tra pagani e cristiani: nuove prospettive su un antico tema, XXX, 255-276.
In this new Quaderno of CrSt, the relationship between Christians and pagans has been studied both by a new examination of ancient sources or by a reflection on the scholars’ opinions about this subject in the last half century. In particular, the book edited by Arnaldo Momigliano The conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the fourth century was the main point of reference for evaluating what has changed in the perception of the Christianization of the Roman Empire: its collected conferences have been held at the Warburg Institute of London since 1958-1959, and have heavily influenced historical research since then. In comparison of this work, we decided to extend our analysis to the sixth century, since in our view the limits of the process extend beyond the end of the fourth century. Moreover, we tried to discuss more deeply the concept of “conflict”, as far as we now know that other strategies – different from violence, fights or destruction of temples – were adopted by Christians and pagans in order to live together during more than a century and half after the imposition of Christianity as the only religion of the Empire. The Introduction runs through the main questions discussed by the single contributions and dwells upon the subject of the resistance to Christianity of the “last pagan senators” of Rome, which, after the essay of H. Bloch in Momigliano’s book, is again the focus of historical interest.
Brown P., Back to the Future: Pagans and Christians at The Warburg Institute in 1958, XXX, 277-286.
The article begins by evoking the general circumstances in Britain and Europe of the 1950s which led to the emphasis placed in the title and by many contributors to the Warburg Lectures on the theme of “Conflict”. It questions, in the light of subsequent historiography, whether the theme of “Conflict” is of any value for the present study of the relations between Christians and pagans. The theme of a “Middle Ground”, a tertium quid, linked to the shared culture of a governing class, to which confessional differences were of secondary importance, may be more apposite. Finally, drawing on the example of religious changes in modern Brasil, it offers a sociological model as to the situations and regions where religious “conflict” might be expected and where not. It illustrates this by reference to the recent volume of Hahn and Emmel From Temple to Church, on the varying circumstances that accompanied changes from temples to Churches in different parts of the later empire.
Inglebert H., L’historiographie au IVe siècle entre païens et chrétiens: faux dialogue et vrai débat, XXX, 287-304.
In Arnaldo Momigliano’s articles, there is a clash between a fabulous erudition about ancient text and the use of historiographical items from the 19th century. The conclusion is that another history of late antique historiography and its christianization is necessary. Momigliano thought that during the 4th century CE, there wasn’t any conflict and no dialogue in the historiographic field: Christians created new patterns (ecclesiastic history, hagiography) when pagans continued to use theirs (classical history, imperial biographies). But with other definitions of what is historiography, the conclusion is that there was, in fact, a true debate between them. Against the religious interpretations of Roman history by Christians, pagans created a counter religious history, or, mainly, reasserted their traditional civic values, in which politics were more important than religion. So, the argument Christian versus pagan is not a sufficient way to understand the trend of late antique historiography, and we have to use more complex mental configurations, as a division clerical/civic/pagan.
Kahlos M., The Importance of Being Pagan, XXX, 305-312.
This article discusses the use of polytheism (“paganism”) in fourth and fifth century Christian literature for creating and polarizing cognitive boundaries between Christian and non-Christian. The first example comes from the debate between Jerome and Vigilantius on the reverence paid to the relics of holy men. The second case discusses Maximus of Turin’s sermon on the celebration of Kalendae Ianuariae and Saturnalia.
Agosti G., Cristianizzazione della poesia greca e dialogo interculturale, XXX, 313-336.
The classicizing Greek Christian poetry of the 4th and 5th centuries AD was primarily intended to suit the language of the classical epic poetry to the biblical subjects, with the aim of building a Christian poetic language, exempted from accusation of being compromised with pagan culture. Such a project of absorption of classical poetry appears already in the 4th century in the poems of the Bodmer codex and reaches its full conclusion in the biblical epic (Nonnos of Panopolis; the Metaphrasis of the Psalms) and in the Homeric centos (Eudocia) of the middle of the 5th century A.D. Through re-adapting the epic language the Christian poets programmatically looked for a dialogue with pagans: a form of cultural interaction aimed at showing the superiority of the themes of Christian poetry, with a language acceptable for the interlocutors. Christian poems, beyond our judgement of its value, intended to participate to a cultural and religious debate; there were neither abstract – least of all abstruse – literary exercises, nor simple scholastic experiments.
Knipe S., Recycling the Refuse-Heap of Magic: Scholarly Approaches to Theurgy since 1963, XXX, 337-346.
The starting point of this paper is A.A. Barb’s article The Survival of Magic Arts. in the Conflict between Paganism and Christianity. The paper explores the way in which scholarly approaches to Neoplatonic theurgy have changed over the past fifty years and what difference this makes to the study of late-antique religiosity more generally.
Marshall F., The Late Antique Hero, XXX, 347-362.
This paper deals with the standing and transformation of hero cult in Late Antiquity, aiming to summarize and discuss its main cultural, literary, political, and archaeological aspects. It starts considering the status of hero myth and cult within the Roman Empire, and its interfaces with early Christendom, and then advances to a brief analysis of the work Heroikos, by Flavius Philostratus, and its effects on hero cult traditions. In the last part, the fate of heroic myth and cult in the 4th century is focused, with particular attention to the figure of Herakles/Hercules, and its role in the Imperial semiology.
Cracco Ruggini L., Pontifices: un caso di osmosi linguistica, XXX, 363-384.
In partial disagreement with a recent contribution by Alan Cameron, the Author maintains that the testimony by Zosimus (IV, 36) concerning the refusal by the Christian emperor, Gratian, of a robe for his functions of pontifex maximus offered him by the pagan senators of Rome – an isolated testimony absent from all the other sources that have come down to us – is not a forgery, a misinterpreted antiquarian digression on the pontifices combined by Zosimus with a narrative text, but rather a piece of authentic information (even though interpreted from a pagan point of view), probably already present in the more ample Histories by Eunapius that were epitomised by Zosimus and have been lost. Eunapius and Zosimus were among the few Greek-Byzantine historians still interested in the “providentialistic” aspects with which such events could be interpreted in a punitive meaning, as Maximus had Gratian killed at 25th August 383. Thus Gratian really refused the robe of pontifex maximus. However, for a long period the Christian Augusti continued to be pontifices above all because the practical implications associated with such a priesthood, albeit without renown and with a meaning that had become different from the traditional pagan one. The mutation can be seen in the new formula pontifex inclitus instead of pontifex maximus, and traces of it can be found at least as far as the sixth century A.D. Similarly, at least for the whole of the fourth century, the pagan consecratio inter divos was conserved: this consecratio had been conferred on the dead emperors by the Roman senate even when the Augusti had become Christian. All this, at a semantic level as well, is the sign of the progressive and often almost unnoticed christianization of the entire society.
Lizzi Testa R., Legislazione imperiale e reazione pagana. I limiti del conflitto, XXX, 385-410.
Since the Modern Age at least, it is commonly believed that anti-pagan legislation, and especially that produced at the end of fourth century A.D., marked a turning point in the conversion of the Roman world. This was not the opinion of major ecclesiastical writers. As recently established, the level of knowledge shown by contemporaries was in general low and most of them forgot even to quote those laws, which scholars of the second half of twentieth-century had credited with the big reaction pa.enne of the last pagans of ancient world, and until a few years ago had been judged “the most significant documents in European History”. Therefore, also considering how difficult it was to rigorously enforce the law in the ancient world, today it has been assumed that Theodosius’ anti-pagan legislation was totally ineffective. Many of his constitutions were temporary measures, representing an immediate answer to a contingent situation; they must be seen not as a permanent principle of law, but merely a pragmatic policing solution. This contribution consider that Christian writers from the end of the fourth till the sixth century could have other reasons for neglecting imperial legislation, and traces clear references in contemporaneous homiletic and episcopal letters to anti-pagan laws as an effective mean of Christianization: for instance, reducing economical powers of pagan priests and the subsistence autonomy of temples (CTh 16, 10, 20); or opposing traditional cults in public and private spaces (CTh 16, 10, 12 and 13; 16, 10, 19), or even giving prestige and charisma (CTh 16, 2, 31) to bishops by letting them exercise lenitas toward the heretics and pagans who killed Christian people, and intercede with the authorities for not sentencing them to death.
Liverani P., I vescovi nell’edilizia pubblica, XXX, 411-422.
To understand the role of the bishop in the public buildings it is useful to compare profane and ecclesiastical building erected with public funds. In these cases the bishop intervenes in collaboration with the civil power according rules and procedures common to the imperial administration. His responsibility can cover various level: from the pure spiritual and moral, to the direction of the project or of the administrations of the funds. The choice depends from the various situations and his help is particularly useful in case of emergency or when the civil administrative authority is too far. In few word his role is only of extraordinary replacement, even if it happens relatively often. He was pre-disposed to the assumption of similar duties not only by the general social and legal trend of the age, but in force of some of the specific functions he covered as administrator of his own community.
Lepelley C., De la réaction païenne la sécularisation: le témoignage d’inscriptions municipales romano-africaines tardives,XXX, 423-440.
From the pagan revival in the reign of Julian to the secularisation: the testimony of some Roman-African inscriptions. According to the testimony of twelve Latin inscriptions, this paper shows the disappearance of the pagan life in the Roman-African cities during the last third of the 4th century. Not Christianity but secularity, took the place of paganism in the municipal life, as Robert Markus proves it conclusively in his book ≪The End of Ancient Christianity≫.
Liebeschuetz W., The view from Antioch: from Libanius via John Chrysostom to John Malalas and beyond, XXX, 441-470.
By the mid-fourth century Antioch was already very strongly Christian. Julian’s attempt to revive the traditional religion met with resistance and failed. The civic religion was dead. In 387 bishop Flavian’s pleading with the emperor Theodosius after the Riot of the Statues to pardon Antioch is a very early example of a bishop acting as the representative of his city. In mid sixth century Malalas wrote an account of pre-history which reconciles pagan mythology and the Bible stories, not without humour. Later that century a number of pagans were prosecuted. Some of the accused though attending Church, probably had also from time to time really taken part in pagan rites, just in case the old gods might still do them some good. Such eclectic religiosity exists in Syria even today. For there are around two million and a half Alawites, whose sect, while allied to Shia Islam, teaches a theology derived from dualistic Gnosticism, which also includes element derived from Christianity.
Chuvin P., Homère christianisé. Esthétique profane et symbolique chrétienne dans l’ceuvre de Paulle Silentiaire, XXX, 471-482.
Starting from a comparison between the invocations to Homer in Nonnus’ Dionysiaca and the one in Paul’s Ecphrasis (introducing the catalogue of marbles), the article proceed to the study of Homeric-style developed similes in Paul’s poem, revealing an architecture of its own, different from the church’s. The consistency of imagery makes Hagia Sophia symbolic of Christus’ body, both glorious and suffering, and of the universe.
Jossua J-P., Effets ecclésiaux d’un discours moral, XXX, 487-490.
The essays published in this volume by Prinzivalli, Lavenia, Valadier and Melloni are part of a project that is only partly complete. The project aims to respond to the problems created by the negative reception of the Church teachings on moral issues and moral theology. The reference to “natural law” is perceived as lacking in meaning; an open ethics has taken the place of prescriptive morality; absolute moral laws seem incapable of being theologically received. To people of good will, whether believers or not, the Church seems to show a merciless face and an always prohibiting stance.
Prinzivalli E., Il rapporto fra mito protologico e destino escatologico, XXX, 491-512.
Christian anthropology, which hinges on Christology, has developed through the intertwining of Judaic principles and Greek influence. The origin of evil and the importance of the body are two knotty problems that the various currents of Christian anthropology faced between the second and the fifth centuries, with consequences on the discipline of sexuality.
Lavenia V., Indicibili mores, XXX, 513-542.
Sins against nature: what was the origin of this specific offence identified by the Church? This text addresses the question of the history of ‘sodomy’ and it shows how the early modern Inquisition tribunals tried to interpret this sin as a crime of heresy. The first Inquisition tribunals authorized to proceed against sodomy were those belonging to the circumscriptions of the kingdoms of Aragon, followed by those of Portugal. The Roman Inquisition under Paul IV initially followed similar lines, but eventually the Apostolic See decided to exclude sodomy from the offences for which the tribunals of Papal Inquisition were competent. The reason for this divergence between Roman and Iberian tribunals is to be sought in the importance of anti-Islamic stereotypes for Spain and Portugal, in questions linked to the discovery of the Americas and the presumed impiousness of the Indios, or in the political use of the accusation of sodomy in cases like those of Antonio Pérez. In Rome on the other hand, although a few proceedings for solicitation in confession were opened, the intention prevailed to safeguard the honour of the clergy who was often involved in cases of sodomy. By the end of the 17th century the question whether to include sodomy amongst the offences for which the Inquisition should be competent resurged, this time, however, on the basis of new medical discoveries and of new obsessions.
Valadier P., Nietzsche, perturbateur en morale, XXX, 543-552.
If Nietzsche was or still is misunderstood, it is without doubt because of the uniqueness of his moral approach, if one limits oneself to that area of reflection. The genealogical method that Nietzsche advocates does not suppose the unity of moral will as the philosophical and theological tradition has generally done. The will must be created and can be created in weakness or in nobility, but it is not always possible to characterise the moral nature of the act. Moreover, his appeal to the creating power of the human being has falsely induced the idea of a Prometheism which is in reality the opposite of Nietzsche’s view, as for him the infant remains the model reference for the artist, creator and inventor “an infinity of times”.
Melloni A., Scienza, morale e magistero, XXX, 553-578.
The article reviews three recent and important books which study the relation between science, the body and moral theology. Adriano Prosperi’s study recounts the story of an infanticide in 18th century Bologna. Claude Langlois examines the dispute in the moral theology manuals which deal with the question of birth control in 19th century France. Emmanuel Betta analyses sacred embryology and the relation between the progress in medicine and the doctrines of baptism and life. Such works offer a precious opportunity to understand the way in which the development of scientific knowledge has influenced the progressive transferral of questions which were the domain of the Penitenzieria to the doctrinal level and to the Sant’Uffizio. These books offer new insights for the scholar who wants understand the relation between new scientific discoveries, moral theology and body-related issues: the consequences on ecclesiology appear relevant and they are described in the conclusion.
Marone P., Lorenzo Martire e l’antico ministero del diaconato, XXX, 579-590.
The personal adventures of Lawrence, Proto-Deacon of the Roman Church, come down to us trough an ancient tradition, already widely known by the fourth century. This tradition, accepted by the Church, is also to be found in the liturgical texts. The most notable events of Lawrence’s life are described particularly well in the Passio Polychromi of which we have three version (dating from the fifth to the seventh centuries). It is a fact that this account of Lawrence contains elements of legend, although some of the information contained in the Passio were known to earlier writers such as St. Ambrose, which is clear from his De Officiis ministrorum (I,41,205-207; II,28,140-141).
Osculati R., Ludolfo di Sassonia: Sed heu! hodie multi…, XXX, 591-634.
In the year 2006 an edition of 19th century of a very famous medieval work (Ludolph of Saxony’s Vita Jesu Christi e quattuor evangeliis et scriptoribus orthodoxis concinnata) was published again. For the Chartusian monk, ex Dominican friar, the evangelical narration becomes a pragmatic and emotional summa theologiae. It avoids the metaphisical, logical and legal language of the modern scholarly thought. Every word and action of Jesus represents the new law of the Spirit, which gives freedom from the sin and conduces the realm of God. He is the very rule of his community, the book of the life, with his interior gift of the grace, which fulfils the justice of the rational philosophy and the aim of the mosaic law. But the modern Christianity of the 14th century, after the times of the original disciples and martyrs, after the fidelity of the old monks, is subject to the satanic tentations of the economical and political powers. The evangelical word becomes a continuous reprimand of a corrupted Christianity: shepherds are in reality insatiable wolves, Judas is the effective example of the ecclesiastic hierarchy, the public life of Church and state are open to every devil’s plot. But the monastic liturgy and the coherent life of many humble Christians proclaim every day the gospel’s grace and the possibility of redemption until the final judgement.
Cadili A., Il concilio di Basilea nella produzione storiografica degli ultimi vent’anni, XXX, 635-728.
This contribution examines the historiographic production on the Council of Basel following Johannes Helmrath’s monograph of 1987 which compared the diverse aspects of the council from the point of view of the existing bibliography and mapped out new paths of research. Since then studies have considerably amplified the prospective; if in Italy, and especially in France, the picture is not very vibrant, a great amount has been done in Germany where, after the contribution of Erich Meuthen, which defined the synodal process as one of the central events of fifteenth-century Europe, its cultural and political aspects have also been studied: both its relationship with different areas of Christianity (among them Heribert Müller for France) and the role of the Empire (Jürgen Miethke and others). This does not mean that historians’ interest in the ecclesiastical and ecclesiological aspects of the council has diminished, with the contributions of Ulrich Horst and Thomas Prügl, among others, and by Giuseppe Alberigo in Italy. In the Anglo-Saxon area, Brian Tierney’s work was followed by the studies of Antony Black and Francis Oakley on the influence of Basel on political thought, while the American Cusanus Society provided important contributions coming from Thomas M. Izbicki, Morimichi Watanabe, Gerald Christianson and Christopher Bellitto. Joachim W. Stieber stands out for the breadth of his interests, having investigated, after the 1978 monograph on the Empire and the council and his studies on Cusanus, the position of Eugene IV, Felix V and the conciliar modus procedendi.
Laurencich Minelli L., Quattro proposte di una stessa utopia del XVII sec.?, XXX, 729-791.
Here are examined the two propositions of the same utopia which the Jesuit F. Blas Valera directs one to the F. General Muzio Vitelleschi and the other one to the Natives in the recently discovered document Exsul Immeritus (1618) and are compared with the two proposals of a similar utopia which another document Nueva Coronica (1615) signed by the native Guaman Poma, directs one to the King and the other-one to the Natives. It results that the four propositions belong to the same utopia and are by the same mane Author: the mestizo F. Jesuit Blas Valera which Exsul and other external documents testify that he was condemned to the silence of a juridical death (1597) because of his insistences for establishing an Inca-Christian reduccion in the Provincia Peruviana in order to avoid the destruction of the Natives. Are here examined also the links among F. Blas Valera, Martin de Murua and Garcilaso de La Vega described in Exsul and the possibility is discussed that their work: Historia del Origen and Comentarios Reales are previous and failed attempts for presenting Valera’s utopia before that one of the Nueva Coronica.
Losito G., La preparazione del decreto Lamentabili e la sua immediata ricezione in Francia, XXX, 792-836.
The essay builds upon the work already done (in particular by Claus Arnold) on the condemnation of Loisy’s work to the Index (December 1903) and the drafting of Lamentabili three and a half years later. The author examines the reactions that the decree brought about in France, from which the vast majority of “errors” condemned by the Holy Office allegedly came and from which the most important author of the decree came, Pie de Langogne OFMCap. The analysis of the reception of Lamentabili confirms that before the publication of the encyclical Pascendi (1907) the anti-Modernist reaction went under the scrutiny of Roman Curia officials like Alberto Lepidi, who was able to lessen the repressive character of Lamentabili. In French Catholicism there was a broad area embracing zealous anti-Modernists and more moderate anti-Modernists eager to defend the authority of Rome through the publication of a document – an idea accepted even by pioneering theologians like Lagrange, Blondel, and Mignot.
Coello De La Rosa A., Diego Martínez (1543-1626), XXX, 837-858.
This essay draws upon the life and deeds of one of the “spiritual heroes” of the Society of Jesus in 16th century Peru, Diego Mart.nez SJ (1543-1626), through the Annual Letters, hagiographies, Serves of God’s catalogues and the unsuccessful process of beatification that was presented at the Sacred Congregation of Rites in 1634. He was a highly regarded missionary who worked on the main doctrines, missions and colleges in the Jesuit Province of Peru. At the end of his life the provincials and rectors of Lima promoted the process for his sanctification, thereby he became a role model that the novices of Lima and elsewhere were urged to mirror.
Miccoli G., Una «Transizione epocale». Gli studi sul concilio Vaticano II di Giuseppe Alberigo, XXX, 859-868.
This study examines Giuseppe Alberigo’s essays on the council Vatican II which were recently collected in the volume Transizione epocale (Bologna 2009). Alberigo’s main idea is that Vatican II represented an “event” whose significance goes beyond the decisions made and the texts approved: John XXIII’s decision for a “pastoral” council for aggiornamento repositioned the Catholic Church and its stance towards human history. The reconstruction of the many aspects of the history of Vatican II, of its preparation and its receptions speaks also about the present times of the Catholic Church. From this point of view the volume collects essays on Church history that intend to contribute to the renewal of the Church following the main ideas of Vatican II.
O’Malley J., Una «Transizione epocale». The Studies on the second Vatican Council of Giuseppe Alberigo, XXX, 869-874.
Giuseppe Alberigo’s studies on the Second Vatican Council are works of scholarship which have gone beyond the specific field of Church history. They have not only contributed to but lead to new perspectives and collaborations among scholars especially in the realm of interpretation. Among his works of special note is the monumental ≪History of the Second Vatican Council≫, which being a work undertaken by many scholars, needed to be guided by coherent principles. These are enunciated clearly in the first article reprinted in Transizione Epocale. Such coherence was itself guided by the council’s characteristic interest in dialogue.