XXII (2001)

Ruggieri G., In memoria del padre Jean-Marie Roger Tillard. 2 settembre 1927 – 13 novembre 2000, XXII, 1-3.

This brief memory of father Tillard – dead last November, the 13th – commemorates, besides his contribution to Cristianesimo nella storia, his theological research and his concrete engagement for the unity of Christian Churches. Father Tillard was actually one of the keenest representatives of an ecclesiology of communion and one of the main protagonists of Catholic-Anglican and Catholic-Orthodox dialogue. Moreover we cannot forget his contributions on evangelic radicalism and on a renewal in the life of religious orders.

Bellitto C., Ambivalence and Infallibility at the Council of Constance, XX,II 5-22.

As the Church gathered at the general Council of Constance (1414-1418) to resolve the schism stretching far into its fourth decade, the Parisian humanist and former Avignon papal secretary Nicolas from Clamanges (ca. 1363-1437) reminded its delegates to keep firmly in mind their reliance on the Spirit’s aid to unify the papacy. He expressed certain hopes for Constance and also worried that delegates there who had not experienced inner moral reform would be motivated more for their own gain than for the peace, union and reform of the Church. But while his first letter on Constance was largely enthusiastic, Clamanges devoted four more letters principally to promoting the nominalist argument that a general council was fallible. He identified the great mistake of the 1409 Council of Pisa as the rush to elect a Pope, offering Pisa as proof that councils could fail. Clamanges’ remarks on Constance are therefore distinguished by a marked ambivalence; his stance is especially striking since he sent his letters during conciliarism’s high water mark.

Fattori M.T., Clemente VIII e il suo tempo negli studi storici, XXII, 23-64.

The papacy of Clement VIII, which bridged the 16th and 17th centuries, was involved in the complex process of absorbing the consequences of the Council of Trent while at the same time formally stabilizing the congregations of the curia. This article reviews the historical studies which, over the last forty years, have focused; either directly or indirectly, on the papacy of Ippolito Aldobrandini (1592-1605). The survey covers five main areas of study: the functioning of the Church/ Vatican government, especially the role played by the Holy College; the cultural and theological climate of Rome at the end of the 16th century, in particular the systems of repression such as the Index and the Inquisition; the Tridentine reform and its effects on the relationship between the bishops and Rome; the policies of expansion of Roman Catholicism (missions and intra-ecclesiastical unions); the main political issues of 16th century Europe.

Cassese M., Diritti religiosi e civili dei Protestanti nella politica di tolleranza di Giuseppe II in Lombardia: le ripercussioni del caso Blondel, XXII, 65-110.

The Blondel case (1784-85) provoked a heated debate in ecclesiastical, political and civic circles in Lombardy on how Josef II’s policy of religious tolerance should be applied. When the reformed Genevrine, future father-in-law of Alessandro Manzoni, appealed to the Emperor’s patent there ensued an intense exchange of letters between the courts of Milan and Vienna to find a solution to the case. Cardinal Visconti, the Archbishop of Milan and the person responsible for applying the new legislation on religious tolerance, even called on theologians and priests within his diocese to give their opinion. When they were unable to agree, he turned to the Bishops of Vienna, Ljubljana, and Malines, and to Cardinal Giuseppe Garampi, the nuncio at the Imperial court, to discover how they applied the imperial decrees in the areas under their jurisdiction. The case is of great interest to historians because of the insight it provides us into the reaction of the Church to the introduction of the laws on religious tolerance. It also illustrates the different way in which these decrees were both interpreted and actually applied, as well as the differing opinions of the Milanese theologians.

Buonasorte N., Per la «pura, piena, integra fede cattolica»: il p. Victor Alain Berto al concilio Vaticano II, XXII, 111-152.

V.A. Berto was a close collaborator of M. Lefebvre in Rome during the second and  third parts of the Second Vatican Council, as well as being secretary of the ≪Coetus Internationalis Patrum≫, an organization which aimed to exert a conservative influence on the assembly. The article traces the most important stages in the life of this priest: his development and spirituality which were so typical of the beginning of the century in Brittany; his brief stay in Rome at the French seminary; his achievements as an educator; his creation of an institute of Dominican nuns; his meeting with Lefebvre and his work alongside him as ≪peritus privatus≫. Be represented an integralist and conservative form of Catholicism, whose defining characteristics were belief in the authority of the Pope, its ≪Romanity≫, and a Marian spirituality. Politically he lent his support to the French right wing. It was within the CIP that he met and began working with L.M. Carli, one of the most prominent figures of the Italian ≪minority≫. The letters they exchanged both during and after the Council are here published: they make a significant contribution towards reconstructing the climate that reigned within the conservative section of the assembly and its ideas.

Chantin J. P., Le jansénisme convulsionnaire à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, XXII, 153-166.

It has long been thought that convulsionary Jansenism died out in France after 1760, but a variety of evidence shows traces of the movement up to the end of the century and beyond. A few groups, gathered around their visionary .sisters., continued to meet after this date in Paris and its immediate surroundings. The practice of ≪crucifixations≫ was intended to represent figurately the ills that they believed would afflict the Church at what they thought was the eve of an apocalyptic crisis. Under the influence of the Oratorian M. Pinel, the movement spread to the provinces in the form of convulsionary communities gathered around their priests. Here it persisted up to the 19th century, having survived the revolution, which they perceived as a fundamental step towards Parusia. The lack of a unifying aim allowed a variety of political opinions to develop within the movement. These varied from hardline conservatism to extremist Jacobism which induced some to actually leave the Church.

Vian G., Alcune osservazioni sul volume di P. Colin «L’audace et le soupçon», XXII, 167-190.

The article looks at the most important features of Colin’s extensive study. Firstly its focus, which makes it one of the more significant studies of religious culture in turn-of-the-century France; and secondly its important achievement in identifying the gap between the De fide Catholica constitution of Vatican I and the Motu proprio Sacrorum antistitum with which Pius X excluded any Cartesian or ≪psychological≫ approach to a rational knowledge of God. On a more critical level, the article notes how little attention is paid to the actions of the Holy See and to the position of the French episcopacy. It discusses the use of Modernism – ≪Modernism≫ – Modernists to describe the different degrees of involvement in the crisis. The article also underlines that Colin reads the crisis following the achievements of Vatican II, so that its interpretation remains, at least in part, on the inside of Catholic theology; and it discusses Colin’s mistaken portrayal of Pius X taking only a negative view of his appeal to a ≪reform of the Church≫. Finally the article concludes with a few notes on the nomination of Maritain at the Institut Catholique de Paris and on the accusations surrounding the theology of Duns Scoto.

Tillard J.M.R., Théologies et «dévotions» au pape depuis le Moyen Age. De Jean XXIII à… Jean XXIII, XXII, 191-212.

The article examines the development of devotions to the Pope from the Middle Ages to the present day. An analysis of theological, but also spiritual and catechetic, writings shows how devotion and aversion to the Pope have always coexisted within the Church. A number of papal titles have been coined as forms of devotion – vicarius Petri, episcopus universalis – with important ecclesiological implications. Vicarius Christi, a title which appeared between the Council of Florence and Vatican II, has caused a number of problems both in relations between the bishop of Rome and the other Episcopal colleges, and between the Pope and the other, non-Roman, Churches. The author maintains, however, that after Vatican II, where a revival Episcopal collegiality was not accompanied by a development of sinodality in local Churches, devotion to the Pope has undergone a shift from respect for the person to personality cult; as if the person had, in the eyes of the faithful and general public, come to embody his function.

Alberigo G., Introduzione, XXII, 303-306.

Rogger I., Un ricordo di Hubert Jedin a vent’anni dalla morte, XXII, 307-314.

The reminiscences of Rogger take us back to Jedin’s personal relations and his loyalty to the city of Trent, this last a tie which began in 1939 when Jedin began work on his Geschichte des Konzils von Trient and culminated in his leaving his private library to the Italo-Germanic Institute in Trent. Rogger traces the development of Jedin‘s thought on the Council of Trent in the light of the ecumenical changes of the last century, a thought which is born of a faithfullness to both historical fact and the life of the Church and of the present-day society. The limits and specific characteristics of his theological upbringing, formed in the first half of the 20th century, and the often painful judgements he expressed on the period which followed Vatican II, did not stop Jedin from understanding and making his own the stimulus which the Vatican II provided towards a more complete understanding of the Council of Trent. Jedin has left us with an important contribution towards the historical contextualisation of the decrees of the Council of Trent and an understanding of them within a wider perspective. Rogger concludes, therefore, with the hope that increasing attention will be paid to Jedin‘s spiritual heritage and the reception of his work.

Alberigo G., Hubert Jedin storiografo, XXII, 315-338.

A look at the life and at the works of Jedin. (l) His early career in 1920-1930; (1.1) in the German cultural and religious environment; (1.2) with a special look at his masters, from Ranke to Merkle and Ehrhard. (2) The years of his maturity (1933-1948) which he spent mainly in Rome; (2.1) following his persecution by the Nazis. It was in this period that he began his most important work, a Geschichte des Konzils von Trient. (3) With this work Jedin makes his own original contribution to the development of the historical sciences and, most importantly, to a history of the Church based on the rigorous application of an historical and critical methodology. (4) His historiographical consciousness, as expressed in Esame di coscienza di uno storico, and as applied in his unceasing research and editing of historical sources, (5) led Jedin to clash with the apologetic spirit which was still dominant in Catholic historiography. (6) While there has been no ≪school≫ formed around the figure of Jedin, his work has exerted a profound influence on theology and on the historical culture of the Church.

Ganzer K., Hubert Jedin e il concilio di Trento, XXII, 339-354.

This essay illustrates how Hubert Jedin approached his project of a history of the Council of Trent and how this project then developed and contributes outline a sketch of a ≪history of the Geschichte des Konzils von Trient≫, by noting the distinctive features and the main paints of each different volume. Ganzer shows how the Geschichte des Konzils von Trient marked all of Jedin’s work and his scientific life: from his early studies in Slesia to his exile in Rome, from his first essays on Seripando and his critical editions of the sources to the writing of his great work. His forced exile from Nazi Germany, his research in Rome under the protection of Cardinal Mercati, his return to Germany after the war and his involvement in the Vatican II as an expert, have all left a trace in his most important work. This too has helped to forge an indissoluble link between Hubert Jedin and historical research on the Council of Trent.

Trippen N., Hubert Jedin e il concilio Vaticano II, XXII, 355-374.

The essay looks at the various stages of Hubert Jedin’s involvement in the Vatican II as a ≪peritus≫. Working with Jedin’s published memoires and with unpublished material from the archives of the Archbishopric in Cologne, the author describes the important relations Jedin held with some of the most prominent protagonists of the Council and the contribution he made as an expert in Council history in some of the more crucial moments of the event, from the preparatory phase to the stall of the third and fourth periods. Jedin’s expertise and his relationship with Cardinal Frings of Cologne gave him the privilege of taking part regularly in the work of the Council, close to the positions of the majority and in tune with a spirit of .aggiornamento. of the Church as called for by John XXIII. This involvement, however, did not save him from great disappointment in the concluding phase, due in particular to the approval of the Gaudium et spes, the pastoral constitution of which he bitterly disapproved.

Faggioli M., Un convegno sulla vita e l’opera di Hubert Jedin, XXII, 375-380.

The author gives us a brief account of the conference on the life and works of Hubert Jedin which took place at the Kardinal-Schulte-Haus at Bensberg in Cologne on 8-10 September 2000. The title of the conference was Die Erforschung der Kirchengeschichte, Leben, Werk und Bedeutung von Hubert Jedin (1900-1980): it was organized by the Gesellschaft zur Herausgabe des Corpus Catholicorurn in collaboration with the Thomas-Morus-Akademie and brought together researchers on the great Silesian historian and his pupils. The conference focused on a number ofdifferent aspects of Jedin’s life and his academic contribution. Reminiscences and more personal accounts were alternated with important historical and historiographical papers which took stock of our knowledge of this important historian of the Council of Trent and started to tackle the many gaps which remain to be filled.

De Fraja V., Percorso storico e significato del monachesimo benedettino nell’Expositio vite et regule Benedicti di Gioacchino da Fiore, XXII, 381-436.

The Expositio vite et regule beati Benedicti by Joachin of Fiore is of fundamental importance if we are to understand his monastic development, his complex relationship with the Cistercian order and the growth of his idea of an historical development of monasticism. It is a text that gathers together at least four different incomplete pieces which Joachin probably never intended for publication. The incompleteness of these pieces is, on the one hand, a consequence of the working methods of Joachin’s entourage, in many ways similar to those of the Cistercians and the Claravallencians and on the other, evidence of Joachin’s intellectual development given that they express different interpretations of the same theme. The first sermon discusses the advantages of the Citeaux reform compared to traditional monasticism, an indication of Joachin’s desire to bring his monastery in Corazzo under the auspices of the Cistercian order. In the Expositio vite proper he brings together the story of Benedict, as narrated by Gregory th Great, and the history of the Benedictine order. The text shows us how he passed from a positive view of the Cistercians to a much more complex and ambiguous one, and it talks of his project of founding a Cistercian hermitage, a project which he pursued with no intention of breaking ties with his own order.

Cavallotto S., Il recupero di un’immagine: Carlostadio in un recente saggio di A. Gallas, XXII, 437-450.

In this essay, which appears as the introduction to the Italian translation of the Luther’s massive Against the Celestial Prophets (1525), Gallas tries to move away from the long-standing stereotypes which Luther and his polemic writings have helped to create around the figure of Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt. From his rigorous reconstruction of the facts Gallas shows us that Karlstadt was certainly an inspiring preacher and that he was ≪impatient≫ over the .negligence. of the prince; but, although Karlstadt sought .radical. reform, he was far from being a violent or seditious rabble-rouser. Karlstadt’s ≪spiritualism≫ does not entirely undermine the objectivity of the ≪external≫ Scriptures, but it undoubtedly implies a ≪devalutation≫ of ≪external means≫ with the result that – according to Luther – the correct Ordnung of the divine process of salvation is upset. Aside from these misunderstandings which Gallas has helped to dissipate, we have still to inquire into a matter: was Luther justified in his judgement of Karlstadt’s position as one which would lead to a disastrous abandonment of one of the keystones of the Christian experience, the ≪soteriology of meditation≫?

Faggioli M., Note in margine a recenti contributi per una riforma ecumenica del papato, XXII, 451-472.

The note looks at the most recent studies on the question of an ecumenical reform of the Papacy, in particular after the Ut unum sint encyclical of 1995. The note takes into consideration the analogies and differences between the proposals which have been put forward, and it is clear that, from its many different positions, recent debate is substantially agreed on the diagnosis, the perceived need, and on the options available for an ecumenical reform of the Papacy. The historical and doctrinal questions tied to the primacy of the Bishop of Rome no longer seem to bean insuperable barrier to a process of reform one made all the more essential by the irrevocable ecumenical shift of the Vatican II and by the strongly felt need for communion within the universal Church.

Ruggieri G., Introduzione – Il Novecento e le Chiese, XXII, 553-564.

Any attempt to understand how the history of the 20th century has altered the  balance between the Churches should be both analytical and synthetic. In synthesis, there would seem to be three points on which we should focus our attention. Firstly, the Western Churches are being encouraged to allow a transformation of themselves into a non-Western form. Secondly, they enter the 21st century more concerned with the Gospel and less concerned with themselves. Thirdly, the Churches do not seem to have achieved a fully mature sense of their responsibility towards the Gospel of peace, despite the terrible lessons of the 20th century.

Essen G., «…es wackelt alles!» Modernes Geschichtsbewusstsein als Krisis Katholischer Theologie im 19. Und 20. Jahrhundert, XXII, 565-604.

This essay suggests an interpretation of the crisis provoked by the modern understanding of history which seeks to decide whether or not there can be a philosophical approach to history itself. The question of the relationship between reason and history is predetermined if we see the Truth within the sphere of history, or, more precisely, if we see the Truth as being revealed historically in a manner which cannot be deduced. The article provides a sketch, therefore, of the philosophical history of the problem: Hegelian rationalization of history on the one hand, and the historicizing of reason within historicism on the other. Reference is also made to attempts in the 19th Century, such as those by Drey, Kleutgen and Loisy, to find a theological solution to the historical problem. On this basis one begins to arrive at an understanding of the Catholic theological position towards the modern concept of history in the 20th century: Nouvelle Théologie, theology of the history of salvation, P. Hünermann, J.B. Metz and others. As the centre of the new theology of history the article focuses on the reception of the post-idealistic concept stretching from Kierkegaard to Walter Benjamin, and also looks at the theological reflection that took place on the late-modern phenomenon of ≪posthistoire≫. This sketch of the problem is intended to clarify the relationship between reason and history, when conditioned by the theological concept of truth.

Velati M., L’impatto egli eventi nodali del Novecento sul movimento ecumenico, XXII, 605-632.

The essay looks at one of the most important characteristics of 20th century Christianity: the rise of ecumenicalism. It traces its origins during the 1920s and 30s and its development up to the end of the 90s. The initial pioneering period was followed by that of WWII which proved to be a moment of encounter between Christians and of a strengthening of the ecumenical cause. Then in 1948 the WCC was founded providing the ecumenical movement with an institutional form and acting as a meeting place and place of dialogue for the Churches. In the 1960s the Catholic Church also officially embraced ecumenicalism and the relationship between the various Churches of the movement was both enriched and revolutionized. The 1970s and 80s, on the other hand, were a period of increasing difficulty and loss of confidence, though it was also a period when an ecumenical sensibility rooted itself at all levels of the Christian community. The 1990s, still too recent for us to view historically, were a period of development in the ecumenical activities of the Churches, but were also a time of crisis and setbacks with serious problems within the WCC and the negative attitude of the Orthodox Church. The essay concludes by affirming that the 20th century was indeed the “century of ecumenicalism” even if a universal ecumenical Church has yet to be achieved.

Baub.rot J., La laïcisation et les mutations du religieux chrétien et du politique au XXème siècle, XXII, 633-658.

This study seeks to outline some of the possible configurations of the relations between Christians and politicians starting with the distinction between laicization and secularization. Laicization can lead to two typical situations. The first is a situation where the dominant Church is no longer the State Church, where it no longer exerts political control, where religious pluralism is a recognized value, but where the Church still enjoys a special legitimacy for historical reasons and because of its size: this is the case in Spain and in Italy. The second is a situation such as is found in France, where religion has little institutional status and the different Churches are seen as private associations. Secularization, on the other hand, such as that found in Great Britain and Scandinavia, is where a religion looses its social authority within the spheres of knowledge and the production of moral values (in this sense religion can also exist in laicized countries), without this necessarily undermining its status as a stable national religion which symbolizes the identity of the nation and which coexists comfortably with a recognized pluralism. The study illustrates examples of these different situations, differences which persist despite that fact that modern political societies are having to deal with similar religious problems.

Gisel P., Théologie Protestante et première guerre mondiale: quel rapports?, XXII, 659-686.

The Protestant theology which emerged after 1920 was conceived as a reaction against the collapse of the European synthesis of Liberal and Idealist values caused by the First World War. It sought to be a theology of the crisis, of the immeasurable difference between God and the World, of the revelation of an alterity. This article discusses the elements which characterized this conscience as it developed at that time. These are elements which are also problematic, however, as shown in the lines of continuity which the article indicates, especially in Germany, from the end of the 19th century to rise of Nazism. The most important wagers laid by Protestant theology from the 1920s to the 80s are now being wrong footed as well as the challenges of the current situation.

Fouilloux É, L’église catholique en «guerre froide» (1945-1958), XXII, 687-716.

At the end of the Second World War the Catholic Church was more concerned with its immediate future than with the wounds it had received. In a certain sense, one could say that it began the Cold War early, and received the first blows in the Ukraine and in Yugoslavia in 1944-45. Its efforts to regain an international role were hampered by the serious losses inflicted by Communism in Eastern Europe and in Asia up until 1954. Its reaction was a rigid and unflinching anti-Communism which did not, however, imply an unconditional alignment with the Western Block on questions of European unity and de-colonization. These difficulties also had repercussions within the Church itself. Pius XII, who became an authentic cult figure, set the Church in a state of permanent mobilization and suffocated any form of pluralism: thus the Church of the Cold War became in effect a Cold War Church.

Stefani P., Le chiese cristiane e il popolo ebraico «dopo Auschwitz», XXII, 717-746.

There can be little doubt that the different attitude of Christians towards the Jewish people is a consequence of the Holocaust. This is not say, however, that the theological renewal of the Christian Churches on this subject can rest entirely on this event: on the contrary, it should be based on the initial and constituent prospects of the Christian message. Along with the Holocaust the other event which has had a profound effect on the lives of the Jews is the Birth of the state of Israel. Neither of these events will fit within the parameters of the traditional Christian anti-Semitism which was still operating halfway through the 20th century. From a broader point of view, the more widespread forms of Christian theology find it difficult to interpret the whole history of the Jews from the age of emancipation. A new theological view of the Jews was not elaborated straight away and is still at a draft stage. But an analysis of some Protestant and Catholic documents available allows us to trace a few of the guidelines that emerge. These include a progressive move away from a negative definition of the Jewish people based on their refusal of Christ towards positive definition based on their status as a people of God; a more careful and penitent revaluation of Christian anti-Semitism and its relationship with the birth and development of modem anti-Semitism; a growing focus on the far-reaching ecclesiological consequences of the reflection being carried out on the ties that exist between the Church and the people of Israel.

Hastings A., From the End of Colonialism to the «Young Churches», XXII, 747-774.

This article surveys the evolution of the missionary movement and the Churches in Africa and Asia, both Catholic and Protestant, from the inter-war period to the late twentieth century in the light of Archbishop William Temple’s 1942 assertion that ≪the great new fact of our era≫ is a world-wide Christian fellowship. Beginning with Benedict XV’s encyclical Maximum Illud, it outlines the significant but still cautious steps towards more self-governing Churches in ≪mission countries≫ before 1950 and the far more rapid development since that date, stimulated both by the coming of political independence and the second Vatican Council. It surveys the great diversity of situations in different Asian and African countries and finally discusses how far Roman Catholicism has in reality accepted a greater degree of pluralism as permissible.

Alberigo G., Le attese di un’epoca e il concilio Vaticano II, XXII, 775-798.

Like those that preceded it, the Second Vatican Council took place in a specific historical context, one that is complex and contradictory. An analysis of the language used during the council reveals a recurrent “historical” vocabulary: nearly all the texts approved by the council contain some reference to the historical situation, in some cases merely in passing, in others in a more significant sense. At the time of the Council, the Church was emerging from a long period of doctrinal rigidity and of distrust of history, where the truth of the Gospel was a treasure to be conserved rather than marketed. The Council immersed itself in a series of complex issues which mainly concerned the Church. But were the social problems of the world to be “left out”? A close look at the work of the Vatican II shows that this was not to be the case. Overcoming Catholic Eurocentrism was a slow and difficult process, but one which was much boosted by the cosmopolitan composition of the Council Assembly. The Council became an opportunity to look beyond the usual European horizon and to discover the richness of the “new” Churches in Latin America, Africa and Asia. Finally these Churches could meet with the Europeans on an equal footing. So it was that a climate of dynamism replaced the “cold war” and the Church could once again set itself more ambitious aims.

Luneau R., L’église catholique invitée a la Pâque: de la nécessité pour elle de naître a d’autres cultures, XXII, 799-822.

Given current demographic trends, the years to come are likely to prove difficult for the Catholic Church. Asia is going to play a major part in the new century and only 5% of its population belongs to the Church. Islam, on the other hand, is growing rapidly. The real hope for the Church is Africa, but there are a number of uncertainties weighing on its future. Fabien Eboussi, the theologian from Cameroon, recently stated that none of the historical forms of Christianity forbid us to acknowledge the fact that it is not necessary. And yet it is here that salvation lies: the mystery of Easter where one must die in order to be reborn. The Catholic Church must gradually, in the coming decades, accept a process of de-latinization” and open itself unhesitatingly to other cultures that are currently foreign to it.