Alberigo G., Evangelista Vilanova (1927-2005), XXVI, 1-3.
The brief notice in memoriam of Evangelista Vilanova (1927-2005) by Giuseppe Alberigo evokes the milestones of the lifelong researches by the Benedictine monk from Montserrat. Strongly tied to the teaching of M.-D. Chenu and devoted to the study of the relation between theology and life in his historical dimension, the entire work of Vilanova originates from the new spiritual and cultural climate inaugurated by John XXIII. Vilanova could also enriched the preparatory works and volume III of the History of the Council Vatican II. Ruggieri G., Il male nel mondo e nella chiesa. Il destino di una parabola, XXVI, 5-24.It is impossible to trace a coherent development of the variety of interpretations of the parable of the wheat and the tares throughout the history of the Church. Often the original meaning of the parable has been turned upside down. However throughout the history of the interpretation, the behaviour of the Church when dealing with evil that continues to exist within it and the surrounding reality is reflected. The understanding of the parable is therefore the indicator of the behaviour that the Church from time to time has when facing the .distance. of the kingdom announced by Jesus from the concrete history that they live. The irreplaceable value of the evangelic parable thus lies exactly in its difference in respect to this behaviour of the Church, in the possibility that it always offers to value and to place things in the light of the kingdom announced by Jesus of Nazareth. Vison. G., La parabola della zizzania nei primi tre secoli, XXVI, 25-64. Early Christian exegesis of the parable of weeds is various and fragmentary up till Origen. The first systematic commentary was written by this great Alexandrian exegete, but today it is mostly lost to us. A series of discontinuous and occasional testimonies, ranging from the Apocrypha to the Pseudo-Clementines, from the gnostic writings to Irenaeus, from Tertullians anti-heretical polemic to the disciplinary contrasts between Rome and Carthage (.Hippolytus., Cyprian, Novatian), up till the Alexandrian Clement and Origen, provides in nuce evidence of the variety of interpretations of the parable in the course of time, including anthropological, ascetic, anti-Jewish, anti-heretical and ecclesiological understandings. The ecclesiologica IndiciGenerali_2.indd 296 1-02-2011 16:05:02 Indici generali I(1980)-XXX(2009) 297 use of the parable, however, begins only in the third century in the context of the disciplinary conflicts between two opposite ideas of Church. Lettieri G., Tollerare o sradicare? Il dilemma del discernimento. La parabola della zizzania da Ambrogio a Leone Magno, XXVI, 65-122. Since Constantine times, western patristical exegesis has paid the parable of tares a constant attention, but has also given it an incoherent interpretation. Ever more so, the original meaning of the parable – to affirm the secular mix of good and bad, to reserve to God or to his Messiah the task of discernment and of judgement, to invite the community to be tolerant towards the sinner – becomes neutralised by means of other biblical authorities, and hence betrayed. It prevails the will to constitute a pure Church, from which it is possible to purge the tares of heresy and of sin thanks to implacable theological vigilance of the bishops and the repression by the political power now converted. On the other hand, from Tyconius to Jerome, from Augustine to Peter Chrysologue, the need to recover the original meaning of the parable is not missing, although it is (in a more dramatically tension) inextricably linked to the even-clearer tendency to affirm the civitas as God’s reign on earth. Fatti F., Il seme del diavolo. La parabola della zizzania e i conflitti politico-dottrinali a Bisanzio (IV-V secolo), XXVI, 123-172. In the first two Byzantine Centuries it was believed that the parable of the tares warned the Church against heresy, that is, it warned the ecclesiastical leadership in power; in a particular moment, against any possible political competition. The fight between the various factions contending for leadership by now definitively imperial ecclesia reduces any other exegetical alternative to silence. Rather than experimenting with others interpretations, those involved in the fight use the parable in order to discredit their political opponents by accusing them of being tares sowed by the Enemy in the Field of the Church, and therefore worthy of being pull out. But the success of this accusation depends on those strong powers – first of all the emperor – whose opinion decides the fate of the conflicting parties. This situation makes the parable an extremely dangerous weapon to rely on. In fact, any change at the top of the Empire can cause a corresponding change of judgement criteria, so that whoever was formerly deemed to be wheat can afterwards be regarded as tares. Notwithstanding this, hardly anybody, during this period, manages to forgot the prevailing exegesis: even when someone resorts to the parable not to attack party enemies but to preach tolerance. Anyone who does not accept this – like the Messalians, according to whom the tares are not the enemies acting in the public arena, but in the inner man, i.e. the passions of the soul – remain a minority, which the ecclesiastical institution looks on suspiciously. Because interpreting the parable, and declaring to know how to tell the good grass from the bad one, means considering oneself able to lead the Church as foretold by Jesus – that is to claim authority, whether political or spiritual, over society. This assumption which, if not held by the institution itself, becomes a threat which must be neutralized. Bettiolo P., Predizione delle eresie, esortazione alla conversione, illustrazione della condotta cristina: appunti sulla recezione di Mt 13,24-30 nelle chiese della Siria, XXVI, 173-188. The first part of the essay examines the comments of Matthews parable found in the writings of some exegets working in the Christian schools of Syria between IndiciGenerali_2.indd 297 1-02-2011 16:05:02 298 Indici generali I(1980)-XXX(2009) the 8th and the 12th century. The interpretation, common to all authors, be they syro-orientals or Syro-Occidentals, and clearly dependent on one or more prior works, explains the text in relation to the heresies that could have developed in the Christian community. It aims to demonstrate that Jesus, unlike the Greek philosophers, was entirely aware of how his teaching would have been altered by some of his disciples. The second part of the essay studies two interpretations of the parable between the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century. Here the emphasis is different. Even when they explain the tares as error and heresy, Afraates and the author of the Liber graduum insist on God’s patience and on the time conceded to the impious to convert. The delay in judgement is granted thanks to the action of Jesus and the righteous who, as always, rise to intercede against God’s wrath. Savigni R., La parabola della zizzania (Mt 13,24-30 e 36-42) nei commenti biblici altomedievali (secc. VI-X), XXVI, 189-224. During the Early Middle Ages, and especially in the Carolingian period, the interpretation of the parable of the wheat and the tares followed the readings of Jerome and Augustine. The parable underlines that the righteous and the sinner will be divided only at the end of time, and thus urges Christians to bear patience towards sinners; the Church should judge the guilty only in the case of public sins and heresies. And the punishment would consist of removal from the community. At the beginning of the second millennium, heresy became the main concern of the Church, which then openly legitimized, after some hesitation, its violent repression. Dolso M.T., La parabola della zizzania e il problema ereticale tra XII e XIII secolo, XXVI, 225-264.
The appearance of heterodox phenomenon in 11th century places the hierarchy before the urgency of establishing a line of conduct. Between 11th and 12th century the situation is complicated by the struggle for Church reform and by the numerous meanings that are included in the accusation of heresy (the Nicolaites and the Simonians are also heretics). This phase is distinguished by the fluidity of positions, among which those of Vason stands out. Based on the reflection on the parable of the tares, he defends the line of tolerance. Nevertheless, the room for tolerance and the use of the parable as theoretical support are quickly brought to an end by Innocent III at the beginning of 13th century. The use the Pope made of the biblical text was perfectly functional to the anti-heretical fight as he intended and carried out: repression and recovery were an expression of the same act. The parable therefore was meant to admonish the .all too zealous. pastors who risk uprooting the wheat as well as the tares, but it also undoubtedly warned them to eradicate what would unequivocally prove to be tares. By this time, almost independently from the evangelical context, the image of tares continued to be used by Innocent’s successors in a line more and more marked by persecution. Only Thomas Aquinas reconsidered the problem from a more properly exegetical point of view. Following Augustine’s guidelines, he managed to give the text an interpretation coherent with the repressive procedure that had recently become the rule throughout Christendom. BühlerP., La réception de la parabole du blé et de l’ivraie dans la période de la Réforme, XXVI, 265-278. This article undertakes to investigate the ecclesiological issues arising from the interpretation of the parable of the tares among the wheat (Mt 13, 24-30) in the 16th IndiciGenerali_2.indd 298 1-02-2011 16:05:02 Indici generali I(1980)-XXX(2009) 299 century. It identifies certain oscillations in the way of reading the parable: strictly adhering to the parable itself or being inspired by the interpretation given by Matthew himself (Mt 13, 36-43); emphasizing God’s patience or – on the contrary – the impending Last Judgement. Objecting to the ecclesiological perfectionism, the Reformers plead for defending the Church’s indetermination – against all endeavours of overdetermination threatening the latter; in particular those of the radical wing of Reformation (Thomas Müntzer). Ch.dozeau B., Lectures port-royalistes de la parabole de l’ivraie, XXVI, 279-296. The Council of Trent ordered to publish explanations .proportionated. to the different people’s capabilities. The Port-Royal exegesis of Nicolas Fontaine in the Explication de S. Augustin et des autres Pères latins sur le Nouveau Testament (1675), and the exegesis of the Bible de Port-Royal (1696), have developed in a particular way the .literal and spiritual explanation taken from the Fathers and ecclesiastic authors., moreover it has valorised the .moral. reading in Réflexions morales by Pasquier Quesnel. In Nicolas Fontane the two delectations, the love of God and the love of self and of the world, between which there is no mediation, are perfectly distinct. P. Quesnel is sensitive to the apocalyptic and eschatological vision of the parable and does not draw any persecution teachings for the .impious. and the .wicked.. He has no intention of separating the wheat from the tares in this way, punishment is not entrusted to man. The Bible de Port-Royal finds in St. John Chrysostom, St. Augustine and St. Jerome only a condemnation of the heretics (the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes was signed in 1685). But the punishment is taken from man and given back to the angels .at the end of the world., according to the apocalyptic and eschatological prospective. The Fathers and Port-royalist commentators do not support the political choices and the persecutions that followed the Revocation. Gros J.-M., La parabole de la zizanie chez Pierre Bayle, XXVI, 297-320. In his 1686 pamphlet, C’est que c’est la France toute catholique sous le règne de Louis le Grand, Bayle gives an unusual interpretation of the parable of the tares. While this evangelical parable supports an apology for toleration, it is interpreted by Bayle as the adumbration and illustration of the inevitable conflicts which are bound to tear Christian religions apart in their inevitable divisions: God has .revealed. only a natural religion, that is a rational ethic rooted in every man’s conscience. However enemies of our peace – to whom identity will have to be given – have come nightly to sow the seeds of discord .to establish certain particular cults. and exclusive dogmas which could not be anything but .eternal seeds of war, slaughter and injustice.. Therefore a few months before the publication of the Commentaire philosophique – a text aimed at founding toleration on a moral basis – Bayle seems to call into question beforehand any hope of its actual achievement. Is this a mere paradox meant to prompt an awakening of the conscience among honest Catholics or should we see in it a concealed sign of a more radical dimension in Bayle’s thought? To answer this question a thorough examination of the author’s entire work will be required. K.hn A., Zum «Gleichnis vom Unkraut des Ackers» in der theologischen Reflexion des 20. Jahrhunderts, XXVI, 321-348. In the 20th century, exegetical research for the meaning of parables as well as the hermeneutical quest for the sense of parabolic language became one of the major IndiciGenerali_2.indd 299 1-02-2011 16:05:03 300 Indici generali I(1980)-XXX(2009) efforts in theology studies. The essay proposes, starting with a re-evaluation of Ernst Lohmeyer’s theological exegesis, a vision of the parable of the tares within the framework of an apocalyptic and symbolistic interpretation. The parable is considered, then, not only through an explanation, which may be regarded – from esthetical and philosophical perspectives – as a typical in the period between the 1920s and 1930s, but the parable is also connected to the dramatic historical and political context of Nazi-Germany, more precisely within the discussion inside the .Bekennende Kirche. on the problem of distinguishing between true Church and non Church. Looking upon the interpretation of the parable in various seasons after 1945, the essay offers a panoramic outline of the efforts in understanding and preaching the parable in the pluralistic society environment of today. Amici A., La divinizzazione imperiale in età tetrarchica, XXVI, 353-394. The essay undertakes to investigate the imperial consecration of the emperors during the 4th Century AD. The investigation takes into consideration the situation which Constantine and his successors had to deal with. At the end of the analysis the author assesses that the institution of imperial divinisation was constantly in force for the Roman emperors of the first and second tetrarchy. Tinteroff N., Assemblée conciliaire et liturgie aux conciles de Constance et Bâle, XXVI, 395-426. The decree Hac Sancta (April 6, 1415), carried by the Council of Constance, declares that the council, legitimately assembled in the Holy Spirit, constitutes a general council representing the militant Church. The meaning of representing has been interpreted on numerous occasions. On the other hand, its liturgical sense hasn’t been enough exploited in the context of Conciliarism, even though it s turned out that the conciliar assembly as it was conceived at both Constance and Basel was a liturgical assembly. Liturgical actions are transforming the gathering into a sphere, so that the assembly is able to proceed from the exitus to the reditus and then to appropriate a differentiating space, which is allowing Church’s reform. The idea of reform is rooted in the conciliar assembly’s concept, a notion which was formalized in the decree Frequens (October 9, 1417), then reaffirmed in Basel on April 27, 1433. Velati M., L’ecumenismo al concilio: Paolo VI e l’approvazione di Unitatis redintegratio, XXVI, 427-476. One of the most dramatic moments of the history of the Decree on Ecumenism, Unitatis Redintegratio, occurred during the last week of the third period (November 1964). The document had already been voted on by the council but Paul VI wanted to postpone its promulgation. After some interactions with the competent commission (Secretariat for promoting Christian unity) the Pope decided to promulgate the text with some modifications (19 amendments). The Pope’s intervention was transmitted through the Secretariat of State and is based on f. Luigi Ciappi’s theological analysis, an exponent of the traditionalist’s view, in a memorandum found in Council papers, now in ASV (Vatican Secret Archives), with others related documents. Paul VI was forced to act under the pressure coming from the traditionalist bishops, but his intervention was motivated also by his personal convictions concerning ecumenism and his fears of a future misinterpretation of the document. In this sense the episode confirms the high notion of the papal mission in his duty to maintain the integral “depositum f.dei”, Paul VI united the strength of great IndiciGenerali_2.indd 300 1-02-2011 16:05:03 Indici generali I(1980)-XXX(2009) 301 gesture of peace among Christians with a subtle awareness of doctrinal questions and prudence in introducing new theological perspectives. Bernardini P., Le Sententiae episcoporum del concilio cartaginese del 256 e la loro versione greca. Nuova edizione del Corpus Christianorum, XXVI, 477-498. A new critical edition of Sententiae episcoporum numero LXXXVII de haereticis baptizandis was published in 2004 in the Corpus Christianorum – Series Latina (vol. III E) by G.F. Diercks covering the last volume of Cyprian’s works. It offers not only the Latin text, accompanied by multiple and rich apparatus, but also an ancient Greek translation. The introduction analyses the work under many respects: from the historical context, the manuscript tradition and the first printed editions to the problems of the Greek version. At the end, some elements regarding this Greek translation and a Syriac one are broadly examined, in order to establish the environment and the time in which they were compiled and, therefore, to delineate the geographical boundaries within which this work has spread. Bettini G., Sinodalità e Leone IX: bilancio storiografico, XXVI, 499-526. In the 20th Century and at the start of 21th Century many studies about Pope Leo IX originated. Historians have hence described a Pope with a complex personality and for this reason very interesting in order to understand the juridical and ecclesiological developments of the 11th Century. In these descriptions the synods are elements of utmost importance. Many studies deal with some important synods of Leo IX however the synodal activity of this Pope still remains a rich research field. The number of synods, their frequency and issues debated in around 20 synods between 1048 and 1054, make this theme very interesting in order to understand the period preceding to Pope Gregory VII. I 50 anni dell’Istituto per le Scienze Religiose di Bologna, XXVI, 527-544. The chronicle reports the speeches delivered in the Stabat Mater Hall of the Archiginnasio of Bologna, on February 15, 2005 on the occasion of the presentation of Officina Bolognese, 1953-2003 (edited by G. Alberigo). The speeches weredelivered by Pier Luigi Bersani, member of the Italian Parliament, by Enzo Bianchi the Prior of the Comunit. di Bose, by Pier Ugo Calzolari Head of the Alma Mater University of Bologna, by Peter Hünermann of the University of Tübingen, by Giuseppe Ruggieri coordinator of .Cristianesimo nella Storia., by Giuseppe Alberigo secretary of the Istituto per le scienze religiose. Castello M.G., Cristianesimo e burocrazia tardoimperiale. La religiosità dei magistri officiorum, XXVI, 625-670. This study analyses the relationship between religion and the mechanisms of recruitment for one of the most important civil servants of the later Roman bureaucracy, the magister officiorum. After an examination of the creed of every single holder of this office, articulated in two sections, the first being dedicated to the distinction between pagans and Christians, and the second to the correlation between the magistri and the doctrinal issues that marked the progressive development of the new faith, the research proceeds towards the criteria of selection for these ministers and, in particular, towards the role that personal religious belief played in this context. IndiciGenerali_2.indd 301 1-02-2011 16:05:03 302 Indici generali I(1980)-XXX(2009) De Giorgio D., Cesario di Arles e la redemptio dei captivi infideles: Vita Caesarii I, 32-33, XXVI, 671-682. As W.E. Klingshirn already emphasized in 1985 the redemptio captivorum reported by Vita Caesarii I, 32-33 should be historically considered plausible and the captivi infideles ransomed by Caesarius of Arles are to be identified with the pagan Franks warriors. Nevertheless, the bishop, according to the interpretation proposed here in the aforesaid passage, ransomed the pagan prisoners only after having baptised them in the Catholic faith. This gesture, on one hand, respects the principles previously enunciated regarding it by Ambrose of Milan, on the other, it constitutes the early testimony of a precise strategy adopted by the Catholic Church, from the 6th century onwards, of converting the great masses of slaves that the war circumstances of those years produced. Dolso M.T., Note a margine di Francesco d’Assisi e il paradosso della minoritas. La Vita beati Francisci di Tommaso da Celano, XXVI, 683-696. The importance of the first biography dedicated to Francis of Assisi, written by Thomas of Celano three years after his death and officially approved by the Pope, turned out to be decisive, not only for the definition of the image of the recently canonized saint (1228), but also for the influence exerted on the rich and controversial hagiographical production which was to follow. Disregarding this previously mentioned point, and focusing exclusively on the context in which the work developed, on the project based on it, on Thomas’ scope and intentions, Raimondo Michetti enters into a close and complex analysis of the first Vita dedicated to Francis. This contribution aims at illustrating the character, the new framework and investigation, and the results of the research conducted by Michetti, dwelling in particular on certain aspects and interpretative creditable hypotheses in wider and more articulate discussion. Merlo S., La chiesa russa sotto il regime sovietico. Una rassegna storiografica, XXVI, 697-742.
Until the dissolution of the USSR the study of the Russian Church under the Soviet Regime had been interfered with by the shortage of first-hand documents and by the inaccessibility to archives. While Soviet researchers had written about Church history from an anti-religious viewpoint, in the West some institutions and historians – a number of them coming from the milieu of Russian .migr.s – had played a fundamental role in understanding the history and status of the Orthodox Church. Nevertheless, the use of Church history during the period of the Cold War often gave an ideological connotation to the works concerning the Russian Church and consequently has made this an important segment of 20th century history which has not yet been entirely explored. Starting from the 90s, the opening of former Soviet Union archives and the publication of several documentary sources have represented a turning point for the work of Church historians. Today further advances in the studies might come from new research conducted at the local Church level. Faggioli M., Concilio Vaticano II: bollettino bibliografico (2002-2005), XXVI, 743- 768.
The overview examines the bibliography about the Vatican Council II, published throughout the world between the years 2002 and 2005. The historical and theological research of the Second Vatican Council continues to examine, on all five IndiciGenerali_2.indd 302 1-02-2011 16:05:03 Indici generali I(1980)-XXX(2009) 303 continents, the central issues of the council, which has been interpreted as the most fundamental event for the aggiornamento of the Catholic Church in the Twentieth Century. The attempts to reinterpret the Second Vatican Council in order to diminish its significance as a historical turning point for the future of the Church still remain marginal and unsubstantiated. Jossua J.P., Fin de la chrétienté ou nouvelle chrétienté, selon M.-D. Chenu, XXVI, 769-780.
The essay of Jean-Pierre Jossua takes into account the concept of the .end of Christendom. (intended as a symbiosis between politics and religion) as seen through the work of Marie-Dominique Chenu presented in a chronological order, from 1937 to 1977. In the early works, the crisis of Christendom (as a singular entity) gives way to a plurality of Christianities. Successively a central role is attributed to the essay on the end of the Constantinian era (1961), where the emperor Constantine is seen as the founder of that symbiosis. In later works the term .Christendom. is deemed to indicate always something that belongs to the past, therefore Chenu argues for a new relationship with the masses, marked by a return to the Gospel. Radcliffe T., The Contribution of Christianity to the Future of Europe, XXVI, 781-792. The contribution of Christianity in Europe is analysed first in terms of how Christianity can help other religious communities find their place here in Europe. The big question is: Will religion produce violence or be a source of peace? Radcliffe looks at how Christianity can respond to three fundamental desires of human beings. In the search for well being, we must present moral teaching not as the conformity of human acts to rules, but as the search to see satisfied our deepest desires. In the search for truth, the Church must be seen as an advocate of our capacity to attain it through the exercise of reason in a society that has lost confidence that this may be attained. Finally the Church should offer some hints of that splendour for which the human heart hungers.